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A well-crafted account of the craft of Indian politics

Introduction to a well-crafted account of the craft of Indian politics

Working as an integral part of any system, more so when one plays an important role in the system, gives authentic inside information and experience, good as well as bad, outsiders may not be familiar with. An important position in civil service gives that opportunity. Several retired civil servants have shared their inside information and experience with the public through their books, articles and/or media. I have read and heard quite a few of them. Some are good. Some are not so good. I have also discovered serious factual mistakes in some memoirs. 

Why review of “Craft of Politics”

I never felt like writing a review of others’ memoirs, not even of the memoir in which I am mentioned. However, recently when I finished reading “Craft of Politics, Power for Patronage” by Ravindra S Mathur (RSM), a retired IAS officer of Uttar Pradesh cadre, I strongly felt that I should write my impression about it. Several factors prompted me: his humility and honesty in describing what he did and what he could not do, his rich experience, depth of information, the vastness of the subjects covered (beyond his memoir), a rare quality of laughing at oneself and, above all, his style of writing. The reader gets the feeling that he/she is accompanying the author throughout his long journey. The facts given by him cannot be questioned though I do not agree with his assessment of some officers and politicians. The differences are due to differences between what he saw and what I saw. Everyone makes an impression on what he or she has seen. 

The author has very lucidly described his journey through what he calls the ‘ecosystem’ which has three Ps – Power, Patronage and Privilege – as its traits. He was very much part of it and played an important role in the system that gave him the opportunity to make vital contributions, learn valuable lessons, keenly observe happenings around and give suggestions. He has described his journey through the system that prevailed during the period he was in service. One may question the relevance today because much water has gone under the bridge since then. At several places in the book and more so towards the end, the author himself has described the changes. However, the book remains relevant because much of what he had seen and experienced, civil servants as well as common people will continue to see and experience for a long time. He gives an insider’s account of administration as well as politics.

In this brief write-up, I cannot cover all the topics on which he has written. I can only highlight what impressed me the most.  

About the book, Craft of Politics

Unlike most of the IAS officers, RSM does not underplay the importance of other services. Though several officers of the Central Services get opportunity to work in an unrelated fields (I myself spent two-third of my service in the fields unrelated to tax administration), I agree with the author that “no other job offers such a wide range of responsibilities along with the authority to make decisions, even after dilution over the years. District collector has to act as a leader.” 

Like other IAS officers, he worked in diverse fields, from the maintenance of law and order to policy formulation and implementation. Like his service colleagues, he also got opportunities to work closely with politicians of different temperament and capabilities. There is nothing special about all these per se. What is unique is his in-depth analysis of what he saw and learnt in his state and at the Centre and how he conducted himself as a civil servant though all may not agree with some of his observations. For that matter, there is no writer with whom all readers agree one hundred per cent. 

  • This book contains almost everything that young recruits as well as students of public administration and researchers should know about the civil services, particularly the IAS. • The usefulness of training at the National Academy of Administration (now called Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy of Administration), Mussoorie, in Uttar Pradesh (now in Uttrakhand) in 1965-66. The author does not attach much importance to it. I agree with him. Being a member of a Central Service, I was there for only four months but did not learn anything new though I understand that there have been significant improvements since our days. A major shortcoming of the course was that we were never told about the importance of human relationship, how to deal with persons working in government – from ministers to Group IV employees – in private sector and common people. Dealing with humans requires understanding the importance of self-respect, respect for others – irrespective of his or her status – and firmness in dealing with bad elements. However, RSM tells the readers that he learned his first lesson (useful in every field) there. He had difficulty learning horse-riding, a compulsory subject for the IPS and IAS officers those days, a tradition initiated for the British officers but no longer relevant and was discontinued in 1976. He recalls how the horse on which he was to ride kicked him when he was standing behind it. He got his first lesson “to be in sync with one’s team, for at higher levels both in government and the corporate sector, leadership is all about the ability to carry others with you, rather than just extracting obedience to orders.  

 

  • Why there is a negative impression of bureaucracy in the minds of large sections of people who consider them corrupt and inefficient. Even some politicians do not have a good opinion of IAS officers. RSM quotes a senior union minister remarking that IAS officers who behaved like kittens through the service suddenly turned into tigers once they had retired. The reference was to someone who had managed a post-retirement statutory job but was not returning in kind the favour!

 

• Widespread corruption despite stringent anti-corruption laws. It exists at all levels but (I again agree with him) “It is the grassroots level corruption that affects the common man most.” The major cause of corruption is the nexus of politicians and officials. Corrupt politicians patronise and shield corrupt officials. There are ample opportunities including discretionary powers to indulge in corrupt practices. Punishing corrupt is difficult because of shortcomings in the implementation of anti-corruption laws. However, the author concludes that “most IAS officers, I have worked with during my service, as absolutely honest with unimpeachable integrity.” 

 

  • None or poor performance. It is often due to faulty policy formulation that in turn is due to structural deficiencies. The implementing agencies in the states are not directly answerable and accountable to the entity formulating most policies – the central government. Lobbyists claim to “manage everything”. Non-performance is rarely punished. Lack of intense and focused training is yet another factor for suboptimal delivery.

 

  • Delays in policy formulation. It is mainly due to the involvement of multiple agencies in policy formulation and lengthy procedures delay policy formulation. (His suggestions for simplification were not accepted.) Most of the Ministers in states do not take interest in policy formulation. 

 

  • Misuse of unlimited and unquestioned power. Officials may become a law unto themselves, as happened during the dark days of Emergency. For common man, it was police inspector raj. 

Importance of permanent civil service

 A very important part of the book is the description of the importance of permanent civil service, especially at times when political leadership is virtually non-existent. It is in such a situation that, as the author rightly says, permanent civil service scores over the American spoils system. He faced such a situation during 1997-98. It is worth summarising here.  

 After the fractured mandate in March 1997, BJP and BSP joined hands to form a coalition government with an unprecedented arrangement that chief ministership would rotate between the two parties for six months each. Mayawati became the first Chief Minister and appointed RSM Chief Secretary. After six months BJP leader Kalyan Singh took over but soon Mayavati withdrew support on a flimsy pretext. Immediately Loktantrik Congress, a breakaway group from Congress, pledged support to Kalyan Singh. In October 1997 when the Assembly met for the floor test, there was complete mayhem. Apart from verbal abuses, even physical violence was witnessed in the house. Though Kalyan Singh passed the floor test, it was probably the blackest day in the legislative history of Uttar Pradesh and possibly in the entire country.  

The support of the Loktantrik Congress came with a heavy price tag. To please a large number of MLAs, the strength of Ministers rose to 93. It was a gigantic task to find portfolios, office accommodation, staff, and vehicles for security personal etc. After four months, Loktantrik Congress withdrew support and simultaneously SP and BSP announced support to a Loktantrik Congress government headed by Jagdambika Pal. Governor Romesh Bhandari hurriedly administered the oath of office at 11:30 PM on February 21, 1998, even while the parliamentary election process was. The Governor’s decision was challenged in the Allahabad High Court that restored the Kalyan Singh government on February 23. This order was in turn challenged in SC by Jagdambika pal. 

So, the state saw two chief ministers in less than 48 hours and after the SC order there were literally two CMs but none having any authority. While there were swift changes in political leadership in the state, there was a caretaker government at the Centre and arrangements had to be made for the election of new MPs. There was absolutely no question of guidance from Delhi or even the Governor whose partisan conduct was under apex court scrutiny. 

It was the permanent civil service in the state that was running the administration when there was no political leadership. Rather there was a collapse of the constitutional system. RSM told his colleagues who wanted to know as to which government they were functioning under that ‘we too had taken an oath to uphold the Constitution and that we were charged with performing certain functions, not all of which required political endorsement and directions and that he should continue to perform these are permanent executive.’ 

The political crisis did not end with the formation of new governments in the state and (after the election) at the Centre. The new central government dismissed Governor, a former IFS officer, who had not shown political maturity to resign on his own and was reluctant to vacate the Raj Bhawan for his successor. It was the unpleasant duty of Chief Secretary RSM to ask the new Governor to wait and persuade the dismissed Governor to vacate the Raj Bhawan. 

Tips to young officers in Craft of Politics

At several places in the book, the author has said something that young officers should take as tips from an experienced senior.

    • Civil servants “need to be cognizant of politics and changing political environment they are working  in.” 

  • Administration requires “walking the tightrope between numerous political factions and groups that always pulled in different directions. The trick was not to be seen to be close to one faction as against the other and to maintain an equal distance.” (Unfortunately, several officers tend to associate themselves with politicians in power. Look at what is happening in West Bengal under Mamatha Banerjee.) • Lapses at any level can create major law and order problems and a district collector has to use his presence of mind and courage to take appropriate action to deal with unexpected situations. • In the states Chief Ministers are all-powerful. The only exceptions are the Finance Minister and Ministers close to the party high command. The rules of business permitted secretaries to seek direct orders from Chief Minister • Since the ministers in UP were not involved in policy-making, they happily performed other functions which formed part of the prevailing ecosystem of governance i.e. three Ps – Power, patronage and privilege. Power enabled them to disburse patronage (e.g. grant of contracts). There was vast scope for the transfer-posting industry, especially in large departments like PWD and irrigation. Everybody who was somebody had privileges.
  • Some IAS officers have to work closely with Chief Minister performing staff functions as secretary. The relationship depends on CM’s temperament. ‘Getting involved too closely in the political aspects of the CM’s work does compromise the political neutrality or unalignment of civil,’ RSM considers himself lucky that no CM used him for political purpose. 

 

  • Civil servants have to be “politically unaligned”- a term used by the author as distinct from “politically neutral” since according to him all policy decisions are necessarily political. At higher levels, civil servants not only advise in policy formulation but also devise deliverable programmes. Once a policy has been formulated, the implementation should be left to the civil servants. However, the author accepts that “our bureaucracy does require at times, a political stick to get into any kind of proactive mode.”

 

  • The style of functioning of the central government was very much different from that of the UP government. Central ministers were far more knowledgeable. Central ministers were pretty much autonomous in respect of their ministries.

 

  • During the time he was in service, there was lobbying for a central deputation especially in the economic ministries but RSM also notes that from all accounts, things have now changed for the better.

 

  • Civil servants may have to face frivolous complaints and may even become victims of fishing investigations by the anti-corruption bodies.

 

  • Bureaucracy the world over is structurally status quoits but the problem of negativity and slow decision making comes in when – to use the author’s expression – ”application of rules prevails over application of mind”. Indian bureaucracy has performed demonstrably well during crises situations like natural calamities and law and order. 

Other issues

The author has touched upon several other issues also such as generalist versus specialist, the utility of the IAS in the changed circumstances, need for administrative reforms that status quoist bureaucrats will not bring, etc. He has strongly pleaded for clearly defining the role of the civil services through a consensus among stakeholders and then measuring its performance with reference to the same. 

Changes in ecosystem

He reflects on the changes in administration as well as politics since his days. Parliament as an institution has seen major erosion in its effectiveness and status. Issues that need to be debated in a civilised and serious manner inside Parliament are debated more often in television studios. Earlier politicians were taking help of criminals to win the elections. Now criminals themselves are becoming people’s representatives. The political executive is getting more involved directly in decisions at the micro-level. In fact, we have moved from ‘constructive’ to ‘direct’ accountability of political executive for almost all actions right down the line. MLAs and MPs are held responsible for poor civic amenities. Higher judiciary has gained considerable importance mainly because of the failure of the executive to redress public grievances. The judiciary had to order the government to save Taj Mahal from pollution and ban the use of loudspeakers at night. Earlier bureaucrats had “fear of consequences for not toeing the line” but not of physical harm as is happening now (reference is to attack on Delhi Chief Secretary.)  

There have been some positive developments in recent times. GST Council is a model to bring Central and state governments on board for jointly formulating policies. Use of technology has made a significant difference. Direct benefit transfer (DBT) scheme is potentially a game-changer in breaking the nexus of the corrupt and plugging leakages. Several regulatory authorities have been set up in several sectors to insulate decisions from political interference. 

The author concludes that despite the changes, the paradigms of the ecosystem defined by thee Ps – Power, patronage and privilege – remains broadly intact, albeit with greater transparency and less entitlement-driven. 

All young officers, students of public administration and researchers who want inside information about Indian administration and politics should read “Craft of Politics, Power of Patronage”. The book deserves a place on the shelf of every library.  

Devendra Narain, IRS (Retd.)

December 13, 2019

 @narain41

PS

Indian politicians are capable of even more serious violations of the Constitutional system than mentioned  in the book reviewed above.

Read

“Rajiv Gandhi, an unconstitutional Prime Minister of India”

Link

https://www.devendranarain.com/rajiv-gandhi-an-…inister-of-india/

Devendra Narain

Hello, my name is Devendra Narain. I live in Gurugram, Haryana, India. I write serious blogs as well as satires on challenges before us.

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